The Forthcoming Trials of Ding Jiaxi and Xu Zhiyong

Xu Zhiyong (left) and Ding Jiaxi

By Jerome A. Cohen

I recently received a sad message from Shengchun Sophie Luo, the wife of human rights and commercial lawyer Ding Jiaxi. Ding and the terrific legal scholar and political reformer Xu Zhiyong are set to be prosecuted soon, but neither the lawyers nor family members have received any information regarding the trial dates. December 6-7 will mark the second anniversary of the Xiamen meeting in which they and about twenty other activists met for a couple of days of discussions reviewing the human rights situation in China. That led soon after to a wide scale roundup of as many of the group as could not evade arrest. Xu and Ding seem to be regarded as ringleaders of a subversive effort and are finally expected to be brought to separate trials before the year’s end. Two recent letters summarizing their plight are linked here and here and reveal the realities of the PRC criminal process, including extended and harsh incommunicado detention, persistent torture, long-delayed access to defense lawyers and illegal restrictions on defense lawyers activities.

Here are summaries of the indictments (Ding Jiaxi here and Xu Zhiyong here) and an excellent analysis of the cases by China Change.

I admire the continuing optimism that reportedly sustains the defendants’ will to resist injustice, but do not share it. Nevertheless, I hope others will do all that they can to protest these tragic abuses by the PRC even if, to borrow the traditional Chinese simile employed by the disappeared tennis star Ms, Peng Shuai, “it’s like throwing an egg against a stone!”

What price martyrdom?

By Jerome A. Cohen

Recent events should make us reflect again on the costs of voluntary martyrdom. Ms. Zhang Zhan, the Shanghai lawyer-journalist who is serving a sentence of four years in prison for reporting on Wuhan’s early mishandling of the Coronavirus, is currently hospitalized and approaching death as a result of the determined hunger strike that she hopes will inspire further protests against dictatorship. Professor Xu Zhiyong has again recently been indicted for another supposedly subversive offense that may ensure his continuing imprisonment and torture, this time for perhaps twelve years.

On the other hand, the distinguished journalist and author Stephen Vines has wisely decided to leave Hong Kong for London rather than risk prosecution, like so many other critics have already suffered, for exposing the Handover that has now become the Takeover.  Just before leaving, he published an excellent book entitled “Defying the Dragon; Hong Kong and the World’s Largest Dictatorship”. One of the distinguished observers who have endorsed this book is Joshua Wong, whom the book’s publisher rightly identifies as “Hong Kong’s most famous democracy advocate”. Joshua, sadly, seems destined to spend the coming years in prison.

Wouldn’t Zhang Zhan, Xu Zhiyong and Joshua Wong do more for human rights if they were free and abroad rather than silenced in prison? Was Liu Xiaobo right in believing that political martyrdom would inspire future generations sufficiently to warrant the loss of his further contributions, if only from exile?

I had this kind of conversation with the famous Chinese human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng in 2005. He chose martyrdom rather than the less heroic, more practical path that I suggested. Tragically, he has long since been “disappeared” and joined the forgotten.

Remembering 709: Confronting Today and Tomorrow

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here are the remarks that I delivered at today's event, the 5th China Human Rights Lawyer Day, hosted by several US and Taiwanese organizations. I am honored that I was asked to participate in the program, yet I am sad that I cannot be more encouraging than last year about the prospects for China’s human rights lawyers and other Chinese advocates for political and civil liberties in their country.

Of course, I again want to try to rally China’s beleaguered human rights activists and their many foreign supporters to keep the faith. We must not lessen our support for all those engaged in the great and historic effort to nourish the development of justice, due process, government under law and freedoms of expression in China, even while those of us outside China strive to meet similar challenges in our own societies.

Yet we owe each other and our shared cause the duty of candor. Illusions and self-deception cannot serve us. We are engaged in a long-run struggle. The six years since the start of the tragic 709 crackdown are a mere speck in China’s long history. Even the 70 years since the establishment of the People’s Republic is but a short interval. It is important to note that these most recent seven decades have been marked by major swings in the pendulum of political development. The current Xi Jinping era is especially depressing to those who hope for a democratic dawn or at least a more pluralistic and freer country that offers protection to individual rights. But change will come again, as many of us predicted even during the darkest days of Mao’s Cultural Revolution. I recommend that everyone inside and outside China see the so-called film comedy “THE DEATH OF STALIN”. As the nineteenth century poet Swinburne wrote: “No life lives forever”.

In the interim, what should we be doing?

1. Certainly we should give all the support we can to those who, despite all obstacles, continue to engage in the struggle for the protection of human rights in China. We should continue to let them know that we greatly appreciate the risks and suffering they endure and the contributions that they are managing to make.

2. We need to do much more to inform the world about the true situation of China’s human rights lawyers and the extent to which the PRC’s criminal process serves as totalitarianism’s major weapon of repression and injustice.

3. We must provide full support to those Chinese human rights lawyers who escape from China, and we must benefit from the accurate information and advice that they bring us.

4. We must attempt to persuade UN institutions, other international organizations, foreign governments and legislatures, NGOs, the media, bar associations, law firms, law schools, and individual lawyers, judges, officials, scholars and students to focus on the suppression of China’s human rights lawyers and to maximize pressures to alleviate their persecution. Every day in many fora we have to keep asking questions such as: Is the great lawyer Gao Zhisheng dead or alive? Is the great civic reformer Xu Zhiyong  again suffering torture while imprisoned?

We must not succumb to compassion fatigue. Indeed, if we increase our efforts, perhaps next year’s 709 conference will be convened in a more optimistic atmosphere. 

The link to the video of today's program is here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pJY_WNtPcOs

 

 

Some Early Thoughts on the New Zealand Extradition Decision

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here is Don Clarke’s excellent analysis of the major New Zealand decision that I called attention to the other day. Don’s essay clarifies several aspects of the inevitably hasty NY Times report that I discussed. Don’s essay should be read together with Michael Caster’s op-ed in Stuff, which also focuses on the extent to which other states can trust the assurances of the PRC in extradition, deportation and other related human rights situations. I just gave a talk on these issues to the American Foreign Lawyers Association in New York and will post the recording as soon as received, so I will only make some brief comments now. I also hope to write something more substantial.

At 150 pages, I would agree that this is probably the most thorough examination of the Chinese legal system that any foreign judicial opinion has discussed. It is painfully meticulous and also useful in presenting the issues as well as much relevant information about international human rights standards. Yet the Court’s opinion is also painfully naïve about the realities of PRC justice, and I would not characterize it as an “unquestionably thorough examination of the Chinese judicial system”. 

Although, as Don points out, the Court spends a great deal of time pondering whether adoption of the PRC trial judges’ recommended decision by their court’s judicial committee composed of court administrators, which did not take part in the trial, should be deemed a denial of a fair trial, the Court fails to analyze the Communist Party’s various controls over the “judicial independence” required by the relevant standard embodied in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). It delicately acknowledges that there may be political influences on the judicial committee. Yet it makes no reference to not only the influence of higher courts transmitting Communist Party instructions but also the instructions of the relatively new government “supervisory commissions” that front for the Part’s discipline and inspection commissions and are more powerful than the courts. Moreover, nothing is said about direct orders to the court from the local Party institutions concerned with “justice,” including the Party Political-Legal Committee and a newer organization that “comprehensively” surveys the situation.

The Court’s treatment of the plight of Chinese criminal defense lawyers and their inability to provide effective representation is also alarmingly incomplete and pathetic.

The issue of PRC assurances to foreign governments in this kind of case is crucial. As Don Clarke and Michael Caster have emphasized, it is very difficult at this point, in light of over a decade of recent experiences, to credit most PRC assurances. Over twenty years ago, in Canada’s Lai Changxing case, I was willing to credit the PRC assurance that he would not be executed. Indeed, in the New Zealand case today, no one challenges the assurance that Mr. Kim will not be executed. In 1999, I was also willing, in the unique circumstances of Lai’s case, to say that it was unlikely that the PRC would  dishonor its pledge not to subject the accused to torture before conviction, although I could not guarantee his protection while serving a life sentence. But I was not asked about the fair trial question. Today, as Don and Michael have indicated, we have had so many additional unfortunate experiences with PRC treaty and other formal assurances that, apart from the death penalty question, I can put no faith in such assurances. This began when, as Yu-jie Chen and I discussed in reporting on the Australian national Stern Hu’s criminal conviction, the PRC threw aside both its consular treaty and its own national legislation with the Foreign Ministry’s airy assertion that “Nothing can interfere with China’s exercise of judicial sovereignty”. Apparently not even commitments made by the PRC in the exercise of that sovereignty!!

We Must Draw Attention to China's Arbitrary Denial of Foreigners' Right to Exit the Country

By Jerome A. Cohen 

Richard O’Halloran and his wife Tara.

Richard O’Halloran and his wife Tara.

Image: SaveRichardNow/Twitter

Here is another example of outrageous and self-damaging conduct on the part of the PRC. Richard O’Halloran is an Irish businessman who has been prevented from leaving China for two years. O’Halloran’s continuing forced confinement is pure Cultural Revolution stuff reminiscent of the infamous Banque Belge case and many others. This is transferring to the international scene the type of hostage negotiations that often take place within China where corporate officials are locked up by local police at the behest of some powerful figures supporting the other side of a business dispute. Such tactics have often been used against foreign companies and their Chinese or even foreign representatives, but with little publicity.

Sometimes the abuse of foreigners, either through criminal detention or exit denial as in this case, is the result of powerful local influencers being given deference by central officials. Sometimes a powerful central leader sends down a command that cannot be opposed by local authorities, certainly not by the Chinese courts, which simply wait to be instructed by whoever has the most political influence in the circumstances.

International publicity that generates serious action by foreign governments and the international business community is the only defense in most of these foreign-related cases. Why any multinational corporation would allow its employees to travel to China to settle a dispute is  beyond me. Some used to believe that sending them to China’s periphery for negotiations concerning disputes in the interior used to be safe, but I have known of cases where police from the interior have gone to Shenzhen or Shanghai to detain the foreign representatives and force them to continue the “negotiations”  while in captivity in the interior.

Until recently Hong Kong would surely have been regarded as a safe place for uncoerced negotiations. It would be much riskier to rely on it now.

Our edited volume on "Taiwan and International Human Rights: A Story of Transformation" has won an American Society of International Law award

By Jerome A. Cohen

The good news from Washington two days ago was notice that the book edited by Professors LO Chang-fa, Bill Alford and myself—"Taiwan and International Human Rights: A Story of Transformation"—has just received an award from the American Society of International Law (the “2020 Certificate of Merit in a Specialized Area of International Law”). This is welcome recognition of Taiwan’s enormous human rights progress since the mid-‘80s. I hope that someday there will be a similar collection of edited essays about the progress yet to come on the Mainland!

Here’s the report of the American Society of International Law’s 2020-2021 Book Awards Committee about "Taiwan and International Human Rights: A Story of Transformation":

“This edited volume addresses a fascinating, challenging, and understudied story in international human rights law – how Taiwan, whose very status as a party to human rights treaties remains contested, engages with and internalizes human rights into domestic laws and practices. The editors have gathered leading scholars and practitioners, mostly from Taiwan, to offer a comprehensive assessment of Taiwan and human rights that manages to steer clear of ideological cleavages over Taiwan's status. The book covers a broad gamut of topics, including Taiwan's transition from authoritarianism, conceptual questions such as Taiwan's approach to Asian values and constitutionalism, the institutional challenges of incorporating and monitoring treaties, and the status of various protections in domestic law. By showing how this sui generis entity has engaged with international rules in a legal gray zone, the book offers profound insights into international law’s effects on states’ internal practices and international reputations.”

The Continuing Attack on China's Human Rights Lawyers

By Jerome A. Cohen

dingjiaxi

Human rights lawyer Ding Jiaxi

The title of this latest valuable message from IAPL Monitoring, “Rights lawyer Ding Jiaxi remains under police investigation,” sounds much too innocuous to encapsulate what is taking place. “Remains under police investigation” does not do justice to the gross injustice being perpetrated by the Linyi Public Security Bureau (PSB), the PSB that so abused the blind “barefoot lawyer” Chen Guangcheng in so many ways from 2005 until his extraordinary escape in 2012. 

Human rights lawyer Ding has been held incommunicado for almost one year since his detention following the small HR lawyers meeting last December in Xiamen. If the experience of so many others is a guide, he is undoubtedly being subjected to tortures of various kinds.

What is interesting about this latest sad report of the plight of “disappeared lawyers” is the apparent refusal of the local procuracy to accept the PSB’s recommendation for prosecution on two occasions, presumably because the police are not deemed to have made out the case for “inciting subversion of state power”. In these circumstances Ding should be released free and clear or at least granted the PRC equivalent of “bail” if there is need for the investigation to continue. 

The PSB rejects this proper course and continues to try again. The procuracy should order the PSB to at least grant the defense lawyer’s request for bail. Yet, in order to avoid embarrassment and accountability for the police and to avoid sanctions against the procuracy itself, it continues to send the case back for more evidence. The procuracy is caught in a dilemma, trying to do its duty to carry out the legal protections prescribed in the PRC Criminal Procedure Law to prevent an unjustifiable indictment and yet not run afoul of the Communist Party’s insistence that the police, procuracy and courts operate as “a single fist” in such cases.

I assume the Linyi City Party Political-Legal Committee will resolve the problem since, legally, the procuracy cannot continue at this point to keep sending the request for prosecution back to the police for further “investigation”.

DING’S LAWYERS GROUP WAS A MODERATE CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION. If I were a Hong Kong lawyer working for civic, political and legal reforms, I would take note of the Mainland precedents and be very worried about Hong Kong’s deteriorating constitutional prospects and my own future. For example, Dennis Kwok, the able and dynamic lawyer representing the Hong Kong legal profession in the Legislative Council until his Wednesday ouster by the NPCSC, intends to return to law practice and continue, as a citizen as well as a barrister, his opposition to the new National Security Law. Should he be prepared for detention and “investigation” for alleged “inciting subversion against state power”? Now that the Mainland security organizations have come to dominate HK, will he be subjected to the same incommunicado “investigation” procedures and punishments as Mainland lawyer Ding?

Case of Chinese Lawyer Qin Yongpei Submitted to Seven UN Offices

By Jerome A. Cohen

Lawyer Qin Yongpei

Lawyer Qin Yongpei

Here, to mark the first anniversary of the incommunicado detention of the valiant and imaginative Chinese defense lawyer Qin Yongpei, is the remarkable submission of his plight to no fewer than seven UN human rights offices by the Chinese Human Rights Defenders. CHRD has written a communiqué outlining the timeline of Qin’s arrest and alleging subsequent arbitrary detention and torture.

Qin’s case has followed what by now is a familiar course. First, like many HR lawyers, he was picked up, held, intimidated, warned and released in 2015. When he persisted in carrying out his lawyer’s obligations, in 2018 he was disbarred from law practice and his law firm dissolved. After ingeniously forming an ostensible business consultancy in order to continue their work, he and some disbarred colleagues added to their challenges to the police-prosecutors-judges triumvirate by establishing a “Disbarred China Lawyers Club” that exposed official corruption and abuses of power as well as the environmental depredations of a local mining company. That proved to be the last straw for the targets of his public efforts, and he was then “disappeared” by the targets in 2019. There is as yet, one year later, apparently no further news of him.

What a tangle it must be now for the seven different UN groups, including the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and several Special Rapporteurs, to decide how best to reconcile their overlapping jurisdictions in order to vigorously pursue their duties. Their inquiries may evoke a PRC response and speed up the processing of this typically sad case. Surely it should not continue unnoticed by the world community.

Recent Hong Kong Developments

By Jerome A. Cohen

A variety of developments during the past  day or so. 

The most sinister is the announcement of the new hotline established by the national security police so that HK residents can make secret phone calls to inform the Mainland police about suspicious people and activities, with confidentiality guaranteed. This is an expected, further step toward bringing Mainland fear and repression to HK. I wish HK cinemas, TV and social media would broadcast the great German movie about the notorious Stasi–the former East German secret police–titled “The Lives of Others.”

Although the unsuccessful attempt by several HK protesters, already under indictment for summer NSL offenses, to gain asylum at the US Consulate General in HK understandably attracted publicity, even more significant is the associated news that they now will also be charged with violations based on more recently sent electronic messages.  As the hotline announcement boldly stated, the government’s eyes and ears are now everywhere!

The US Consulate General’s refusal to grant asylum was correct and predictable. Can we imagine how many other Hong Kongers might have wanted to follow suit? And recall the recent San Francisco PRC Consulate’s refusal to claim asylum for the PRC scientific researcher who, after sheltering there for a few controversial days, left the PRC mission and was then detained by the FBI. Reciprocity continues to be an important factor in US-China relations. Diplomatic asylum in someone else’s country can only be exercised in extraordinary and limited circumstances, as the US has famously done twice in Beijing, first in the 1989 case of  the popular human rights  speaker, Prof. Fang Lizhi, and then in the 2012 case of the blind barefoot lawyer, the courageous Chen Guangcheng.

The report that the Shenzhen Judicial Bureau has formally prohibited the activities of the five PRC law firms that have been trying to help the detained “HK 12” at the request of their families merely confirms earlier complaints expressed by the families. The hapless detainees, charged merely with “illegal border crossing” rather than more severe national security offenses, nevertheless remain incommunicado over two months after their detention began. The inscrutable and unfair processes of PRC justice grind on “in accordance with law,” as PRC spokespersons always assure us.

Indefinite Confinement under China's Mental Health Laws--Another Type of Arbitrary Detention?

By Jerome A. Cohen

Chi Yin, formerly an Intermediate Court judge in China and now my colleague at NYU Law School’s US-Asia Law Institute, and I have just published a Diplomat piece on detention in China’s mental hospitals. The article follows the case of Feng Xiaoyan, who was taken to a mental hospital by her husband after being arrested, but then released, for distributing pro-democracy pamphlets. Although she was diagnosed with schizophrenia, her daughter maintains that her mother is entirely sane and was only taken to the hospital by her husband because of the threat that her political activism posed to his career. China has a law against involuntary admission except in certain instances. Yet involuntary confinement seems to occur to a disturbing extent, and patients can end up in indefinite legal limbo with little recourse. You can read the full piece here.

My quick reading of the troubling national security law for Hong Kong

By Jerome A. Cohen

I have been asked by journalists about the new national security law (NSL) for Hong Kong (Chinese text here; Xinhua’s English translation here). Here are some quick comments that highlight some of the key points to be made about this new law, which bristles with legal issues. Zhang Xiaoming’s ambiguous but threatening remarks just quoted by Reuters make what is written below, written before Zhang’s latest remarks, even more relevant, beginning with the paragraph numbered 2.

The real impetus for the NSL is not the need to prohibit the offenses proscribed, although some new ones, especially relating to “foreign and external” influence, have been added to the already largely adequate Hong Kong criminal laws. 

The major changes can be summarized under four categories:

  1. Institutional innovation establishing Central security and judicial controls over anything called national security and integrating Hong Kong Government firmly under control of the Central security agencies

  2. Jurisdictional expansion designed to give Central security agencies, prosecutors and courts control of punishment of those deemed the most serious offenders AND the discretion to decide which of the most serious should be tried in Hong Kong but under the new system of Hong Kong “justice” for national security cases. This means that some suspects will be forced to go to the Mainland for detention, prosecution, trial and sentencing by Mainland authorities skilled in dealing with national security cases, or tried in Hong Kong under the imported Mainland system! (No reference to the nasty, inflammatory concept of “rendition/extradition” but how do the suspects shipped to the Mainland get there?)

  3. This leads to the third category — Procedural innovations for suspects including not only residents but also people outside Hong Kong charged with acts abroad. For example, the new Mainland Office in Hong Kong can question, investigate, detain and deny bail to people according to Mainland practice, including Invitations to tea and no privilege against self-incrimination when police ask questions. If as prescribed the Office decides to prosecute you under Mainland processes either in Hong Kong or the Mainland, under the PRC Criminal Procedure Law, as a national security case suspect you can be locked up for as long as 6 months incommunicado, which subjects you, illegally of course, to torture and coerced confession, legally to no access to counsel or family or friends, before the police decide whether to process you for a crime according to the ordinary procedure. If the police decide instead to process you under the new Hong Kong special procedure, you get specially selected Hong Kong prosecutors and judges. And no jury trial but three judges. If selected for trial by Mainland processes, either in Hong Kong or in the Mainland, you get the usual Mainland national security processes, such as they are.

  4. The fourth category is the electoral consequences of the new law. If you fail to endorse it, you can be removed from existing public offices — Legco or District Council — or disqualified from running for those offices, etc.

Much depends on the Law’s interpretation by the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC), which has exclusive power to interpret. How should those special Hong Kong judges allowed to deal with these cases obtain any necessary NPCSC interpretation? Normally a Hong Kong court could itself interpret the Law or even invalidate a provision subject to later NPCSC reversal. But now only the NPCSC can take the first and last shot at its meaning.

There’s also the important question of how “state secrets” in many places of the Law will be interpreted. Based on the Mainland’s practice, “state secrets” are whatever the police choose to define them as in the case at hand and, despite relevant legislation, it is impossible to seriously challenge the designation in discussions with prosecutors before or after indictment or in front of judges during trial and appellate proceedings. Usually defense lawyers themselves simply have to accept the designation and certainly cannot seek help from experts or others since they are not allowed to reveal to others any information pertaining to these secret, closed trials. Years ago a defense lawyer I had recommended to a Chinese defendant in an alleged “State secrets” case could not risk discussing the proceedings with me.

As to the tricky Article 38 (“This Law shall apply to offences under this Law committed against the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region from outside the Region by a person who is not a permanent resident of the Region.”), some nations in principle claim the right to punish foreigners as well as their own nationals for acts abroad that have serious adverse consequences at home or against their nationals abroad. Others purport only to ban the adverse acts of their own nationals abroad. There will be a huge reaction to any PRC claim to punish foreigners for adverse acts committed abroad that are not proved to have serious consequences at home or against the nationals of China abroad. The international community is likely to reject any attempt at such a claim as another PRC violation of public international law. In interpreting Art 38, as it will have to, the NPCSC will undoubtedly look to the relevant provision of China’s criminal law and say that foreigners may be punished if their acts have a certain level of seriousness, such as that of similar offenses in China that call for at least three years of punishment, AND IF those acts are also punishable in their own country. Thus, Americans, for example, can safely condemn the NSL while in the US without being subject to PRC conviction for a NSL violation since such condemnation is not punishable in the US, being an act of free speech.

To me, more serious is the range of problems arising from the inevitable need to interpret the collusion with foreign forces provision. These are not merely interesting theoretical questions but of the utmost practical significance to foreign and Taiwan scholars who cooperate with HK academics, lawyers, NGOs and democratic political figures. Do I dare to host Martin Lee, Jimmy Lai, Dennis Kwok or Anson Chan (if she returns to the scene) again at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York? The legal danger will be theirs; I will probably be mentioned only as an unindicted co-conspirator!

All in all, this is a Takeover of HK, not, as billed, a “second Handover”.

For a checklist and analysis of the issues, the long piece I had in The Diplomat a couple of weeks ago may be of interest, since many issues discussed in that piece are rising daily.

 

Thoughts on Human Rights Lawyer Wang Quanzhang’s Interview

By Jerome A. Cohen

Human rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang

Human rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang

Here is the latest report on the famous, now released from prison, human rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang. Its description of the torture and many other abuses he suffered while being convicted on national security grounds in China should be of interest to all in Hong Kong who might fall into the category of “the very small number” of people whose prosecutions for violations of the forthcoming National Security Law might subject them to central authorities.

The report is a curiosity in several respects. Why has the PRC allowed this first “face to face” media interview with Wang as well as his earlier interviews with overseas media? This is not normal “non-release release” for PRC ex-political prisoners.

Why does the interview feature only the torture and other charges that Wang has already made known but says nothing about his earlier vow to pursue justice and try to review his case in PRC courts? Has Wang made any progress in this notoriously uphill struggle? How has he tried to proceed? Is he refusing to talk to foreign media about this current effort in order to avoid possibly prejudicing it because of adverse PRC official reactions?

The translation of the interview seems a bit odd in places, especially to call the abusive police, prosecutorial and judicial measures taken against Wang “sloppy.” I wonder what the Chinese term Wang used was.

Invisible punishment of countless people in China

By Jerome A. Cohen

Human Rights Watch’s Sophie Richardson just wrote an article, Chinese Authorities Torment Activist’s Dying Mother. It’s a representative example of the kinds of informal but harsh punishments to which countless people are invisibly subjected in China, without a shred of legal pretense. One can only speculate about the numbers of victims of this lawlessness, usually inflicted by the secret police or their thugs.

When the PRC National People’s Congress meets in a few weeks, in their annual reports the President of the Supreme People’s Court and the Procurator General will each rattle off endless statistics about the millions of cases their respective institutions have formally processed. Yet no one will report on the millions of people who suffer daily humiliating, unregulated restrictions on their personal freedoms. The Ministry of Public Security should certainly report on this important aspect of its massive activity, but it also does nor report on its monitoring and inhibition of even the Party elite, not to mention ordinary citizens. At least this massive task provides jobs for many university graduates who might otherwise face employment problems!

10th anniversary of the disbarment of Chinese human rights lawyers Tang

By Jerome A. Cohen

My colleague Yu-Jie Chen and I wrote about the disbarment of human rights lawyers Tang Jitian and Liu Wei ten years ago. At the 10th anniversary today, Professor Eva Pils and I, in collaboration with Yu-jie Chen, have just published an op-ed in the South China Morning Post to remember this case and the plight of Tang Jitian and his colleagues.

A decade has passed, and the human rights lawyer movement in China has deteriorated with astonishing speed. We asked at the end of the article: Will liberal democracies and the international legal profession, preoccupied with the coronavirus and other major distractions, take note? Tang Jitian and his surviving colleagues in China try to remain hopeful. Are they right?

Tang Jitian

Tang Jitian

left, Wang Cheng, Tang Jitian, Jiang Tianyong, at the Nongken Procuratorate in Jiansanjiang before their detention on March 21, 2014. Source: Human Rights in China

left, Wang Cheng, Tang Jitian, Jiang Tianyong, at the Nongken Procuratorate in Jiansanjiang before their detention on March 21, 2014. Source: Human Rights in China


Human rights lawyer Wang Quanzahgn reunites with family after his “non-release release”. But under what conditions?

By Jerome A. Cohen

It is indeed great news that Wang Quanzhang has finally been allowed to return to Beijing and his family. Many who supported him and his human rights cause for five years will be moved by the video of the family reunion.

The significance of Wang’s release from “non-release release” (伪释放) in Jinan after a week of the Party’s uncertain waffling in the unusual glare of foreign media has yet to be determined, of course. What are the conditions, if any, of his return to Beijing?

Did his dynamic, gallant wife manage to resist the usual pressures to keep the ex-prisoner at home cut off from the world? Was her illness and hospital trip the straw that broke the Party’s back? Will Wang, having already had unusual access to people and media in Jinan, continue to have such access in Beijing? The Party may decide it’s too late to lock the barn door. Will he now actually be freer to tell the full story of the cruelty inflicted upon him so unfairly by the Party’s criminal justice system?

And might this case indicate recognition by the Party that the police should not have unlimited discretion in determining the scope of post-conviction “deprivation of political rights” (DPR)? After all, as the Soviet origins of this largely unrecognized punishment demonstrate, DPR was thought by many merely to deprive an ex-convict of the rights to vote and stand for election, not an enormous deprivation given the realities of Communist politics.

Update on lawyer Wang Quanzhang and “deprivation of political rights”

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here is an update on the weird and fascinating “non-release release” (NRR) of the famous, disbarred human rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang, who is being prevented from returning to his home and family in Beijing and kept in his former residence in Jinan (the police having ousted the tenant who was renting from Wang) but allowed some contacts with his sister, a friend and some non-PRC media.

A local Jinan police station official told his sister that Wang is required to stay there because he is under sentence of “deprivation of political rights” (DPR) for the five years after his “release” from almost five years in prison. This would be a far-fetched interpretation of the criminal punishment of DPR, as I pointed out in my last week’s pre-release op-ed in the SCMP.

Wang’s tenacious and brave wife, Li Wenzu, has openly ridiculed this DPR argument in a tweet that has evoked a large variety of interesting responses. Her evolving and well-publicized challenge to the administration of criminal justice will undoubtedly lead to a clarification of the scope of DPR in the next revision of China’s criminal legislation. The fuss made over Ai Weiwei’s illegal detention in 2011 led to a 2012 revision of criminal legislation relating to “residential surveillance at a designated location” (RSDL), which the police have subsequently abused by their unjustified nullification of the limits on RSDL imposed by the new provisions.

Reunion of Wang Quanzhang and his sister, April 21, 2020, Credit: Wang Quanzhang’s wife Li Wenzu’s twitter @709liwenzu

Reunion of Wang Quanzhang and his sister, April 21, 2020, Credit: Wang Quanzhang’s wife Li Wenzu’s twitter @709liwenzu

Glimpse into rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang’s “Non-Release Release”

By Jerome A. Cohen

Rights lawyer Wang Quanzhang has not been free after his April 5 “release”. In the past two days, Mimi Lau of the South China Morning Post and William Yang of Deutsche Welle were able to reach Wang and published valuable interviews that offered unusual glimpses into the plight of this courageous lawyer (SCMP interviewDeutsche Welle).

Wang said he’ll challenge the unfair prosecution against him. Questions remain: How can Wang now do that? Has he yet been given belated copies of the prosecution’s indictment and the court’s judgment, as required by law even in secret trials? Can he now choose independent counsel to assist and meet with him? If his wife and colleagues were unable to access the legal system to defend his rights for almost five years, can he and they now do better? Here is my take in the Diplomat, Wang Quanzhang and China’s ‘Non-Release Release’.

Wang Quanzhang, April 20, Credit: Li Wenzu’s twitter @709liwenzu

Wang Quanzhang, April 20, Credit: Li Wenzu’s twitter @709liwenzu

My new article (& brief memoir): “Was Helping China Build Its Post-1978 Legal System a Mistake?”

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here’s  a draft of a new article that in a way is my Apologia Pro Vita Sua. There have been some debates about whether those of us who tried to help China build its legal system in the decade beginning in 1979 committed a mistake. I offer my thoughts in the article from a frank, close-up, first-hand perspective. I hope they will be useful for people thinking about our China policy and for anyone interested in recent Chinese history.

The article’s abstract is below. It can be downloaded at my SSRN page and here. After editing and some revisions, it will appear in the Virginia Journal of International Law Online later this spring. An earlier version was presented at a stimulating conference convened by the University of Michigan last fall. I’m also including two interesting photos from 1979 below.

At the invitation of the Beijing city government, I moved to China with my wife in 1979 and began to train Beijiing officials in international commercial law and dispute resolution. 1979, Beijing.

At the invitation of the Beijing city government, I moved to China with my wife in 1979 and began to train Beijiing officials in international commercial law and dispute resolution. 1979, Beijing.

At the invitation of the Ministry of Finance, I set up a program between Harvard Law School and the PRC's National Tax Bureau to teach tax law to Chinese officials. 1979, Dalian, China.

At the invitation of the Ministry of Finance, I set up a program between Harvard Law School and the PRC's National Tax Bureau to teach tax law to Chinese officials. 1979, Dalian, China.


WAS HELPING CHINA BUILD ITS POST-1978 LEGAL SYSTEM A MISTAKE? (forthcoming Virginia Journal of International Law Online, June 2020)

 Abstract

Some thoughtful observers argue that the American policy of cooperation with post-Mao China in developing its legal system has proved a failure. They claim that our engagement set out to produce a democratic, rule of law China that would become, in the eyes of the United States and other democracies, a protector of human rights at home and a responsible member of the world community. Instead, they argue, engagement has enabled a Communist dictatorship to become increasingly repressive at home and a threat to world peace and the values we cherish. Implicit in this view is the belief that those of us who sought to assist in the early efforts of Deng Xiaoping’s “Open Policy” to improve the legal system of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its practice of both domestic and international law were not merely wasting our efforts but actually helping to create a nightmarish political Frankenstein. From this perspective, we failed in the effort to export liberal-democratic legal values to China.

At the same time, America’s post-1978 legal cooperation with China has come under attack on a somewhat different ground. The argument here is not that cooperation was a mistake in principle but that we carried it out in the wrong way – that, consciously or unconsciously, our legal efforts in China reflected not the earnest desire to learn from contemporary China in the true spirit of comparative law displayed by America’s Founding Fathers but a growing and misguided faith in the export of American law. Our post-’78 China efforts, it is said, should be seen as part of the post-World War II Law and Development movement that was predicated on the belief that the introduction of an American-type legal system in many developing countries would strengthen their governments and economies, lead them to political democracy, promote their positive participation in international relations and warrant the gratitude of their people. According to this view, the Law and Development movement was an erroneous, even dangerously arrogant, missionary-style attempt to export American law that ultimately proved futile. Indeed, post-’78 American efforts in China have been deemed Exhibit A in the indictment of the modern Law and Development movement. They have been branded the heir to earlier American efforts to “civilize” pre-Communist China by bringing it to Christianity and the rule of law, especially during the first half of the 20th century.

This article evaluates these claims and rejects both of them in qualified fashion. Given the international situation at the time and the chaotic, lawless and impoverished Cultural Revolution from which the PRC was seeking to emerge, post-’78 American legal cooperation with China was wise politically and economically. It helped to produce a coherent national legal system that improved the lives of the Chinese people and their country’s relations with the world.

To be sure, it did not lead to a democratic Western-type rule of law that protects political and civil liberties. Yet those of us who actively participated in this law reform effort were not naïve enough to believe that a rule of law regime might directly result from our efforts. We did, however, hope that respect for due process values and the role of an independent legal profession might develop as a byproduct. We were plainly not versed in the “Law and Economic Development” movement, although we assumed that, by responding to the PRC’s requests for legal assistance, we would promote domestic economic progress and foreign business cooperation, as indeed we did.

We were, of course, eager to learn what three decades of Communist experience had contributed to China’s legal system, only to find that our hosts, who were focused on absorbing international commercial law and practice from us, had little good to say about their own system’s accomplishments and no interest in and little knowledge of the pre-1949 Chinese legal systems that Chairman Mao had ostentatiously rejected. What we did learn about early PRC law from our post-‘78 involvement largely related to criminal law and confirmed the accuracy of those Western indictments of Chinese Communist injustice that had marked the previous long Maoist era, both during the period of Soviet influence in the 1950s and during the following two decades until the chairman’s death. Sadly, our generally successful response to PRC requests for legal cooperation has not even today diminished the abiding and prominent Chinese Communist preference to pursue regime goals via arbitrary detention rather than due process. True comparatists must acknowledge this fact.

Keywords: US-China relations, law and development, rule of law, democracy, human rights

 

China's continuing repression of human rights lawyers amidst—and under the pretext of—Covid 19

By Jerome A. Cohen

Here's my op-ed in today's SCMP, China should not use the coronavirus as an excuse to silence human rights activists like Wang Quanzhang. "Covid-19 has outlived its use as an excuse for repression. This time the world is watching, so the party faces a challenge to its ingenuity, or at least its brazenness."

Chinese Lawyer Disciplined for Exposing Covid-19 and Deaths in Wuhan

By Jerome A. Cohen

The excellent Radio Free Asia report, Chinese Lawyer Withdraws Appeal Against Disciplinary Sanction, gives valuable insight into how the Chinese Communist Party’s suppression of speech hinders the fight against Covid-19. The woman lawyer suppressed in this instance was not a conventional human rights lawyer but  an idealistic general lawyer trying to expose the government’s mishandling of the health crisis. She would surely have been disbarred from practice, as another local lawyer was, had she been more energetic in seeking and revealing virus-related information or more resistant to the professional institutions that sought to stifle her.

The CHRD report cited by RFA is very important since it gives details about how thousands of people have been persecuted by the Ministry of Public Security for allegedly disseminating “false and harmful information”. CHRD itself has documented roughly 900 cases of persons recently sanctioned by the public security forces for “spreading misinformation” or ”disturbing public order” regarding the epidemic. Almost 20% were sent to police detention for up to 15 days, a process that, under the “Public Order Administration Punishment Act”, requires no participation by defense lawyers or any court. Conditions in police detention cells are often appallingly overcrowded, coercive and unsanitary.

The RFA report also gives keen insight into the plight of Chinese lawyers who try to speak out. Their law firm is pressed by the Lawyers Association and the official Judicial Bureau to stop them or fire them. If the firm fails to take sufficient action to suppress its lawyer, it will be closed down by the Bureau, and the lawyer will be disbarred and even jailed. It is notable that the courageous lawyer involved in this case, Ms. Liu Yingying, was coerced into abandoning her appeal against the reprimand she had received from the Lawyers Association for posting “inappropriate comments” and had to admit her mistake, delete her post and reflect sincerely on her error. That was why the Lawyers Association, which is supposed to protect the rights of lawyers, said it would treat her leniently!