孔杰荣,三十而立:1960年的我是如何投身中国研究的,金融时报中文网,2017年3月2日。

让我成为中国法律专家的机会到底是如何出现的?为什么我抓住了这个其他法学教授纷纷回避的机会呢?


孔杰荣、爱德华•贝克,给特朗普的建议:尝试与朝鲜和平谈判,金融时报中文网,2017年1月6日。

孔杰荣、爱德华•贝克:特朗普去年6月竞选期间说,他欢迎金正恩赴美会谈。我们敦促美国政府举行这种会谈。


Jerome A. Cohen and Edward J. Baker, Why Trump should give nuclear-armed North Korea a shot at peace, South China Morning Post, February 6, 2017.

Photo by MarkRubens/iStock / Getty Images
Photo by MarkRubens/iStock / Getty Images

Jerome A. Cohen and Edward J. Baker urge the US and other stakeholders to work on a peace treaty with the North to formally end the Korean War and avoid any dire fallout of Kim Jong-un’s rising nuclear rhetoric.


孔杰荣,改革开放初期中外法律交流亲历记,金融时报中文网,2017年1月6日。

Zhou Enlai and Jerome Cohen

Zhou Enlai and Jerome Cohen

孔杰荣:1979-1981年是中国法治的历史性时刻。我愿意提供一个简短的回忆录,与大家分享参与这段历史的经历。

1979-1981年是中国法治的历史性时刻,当时正值邓小平“改革开放”初期,中国共产党一步步创建了文化大革命后的法律制度。若要全面记录这个令人兴奋的时代,势必需要一部鸿篇巨著。在此,我愿意提供一个简短的回忆录,就我自己有幸参与这个令人兴奋的历史时刻的切实经历,与大家分享。


孔杰荣、沃泰姆,中国庭审改革的一丝曙光,金融时报中文网,2016年10月24日。

Photo Credit: Financial Times Chinese

Photo Credit: Financial Times Chinese

孔杰荣、沃泰姆:中国启动了一个庭审公开网,越来越多的庭审可以高清在线观看,这对不透明的司法意味着什么?


Jerome A. Cohen and David Wertime, A Crack of Daylight Enters Chinese Court Proceedings, Foreign Policy, October 12, 2016.

Photo Credit: Foreign Policy. STR/AFP/Getty Images

Photo Credit: Foreign Policy. STR/AFP/Getty Images

A growing number of trials will be live-streamed in HD. What might that mean for justice in a black-box judiciary?


陈玉洁、孔杰荣,两岸应停止嫌疑犯遣返争夺战,金融时报中文网,2016年10月6日。

陈玉洁、孔杰荣:结束遣返争夺战可帮助北京赢得台湾不少好感,双方合作也将有助于大陆更有效地打击电信诈骗案件。


Yu-Jie Chen & Jerome A. Cohen, Beijing and Taipei should end their tug of war over repatriation of criminal suspects, South China Morning Post, September 28, 2016.

Yu-Jie Chen and Jerome A. Cohen say China’s tighter grip will only stoke resentment, impede cross-strait peace and disrupt the cooperation in law enforcement to fight fraud, which has benefited both sides


仲裁法院考慮了海洋法公約的語言和起草歷史、公約締結之前的海洋法談判、實踐和先前法律決定中對這一問題的有限闡述、相關的亞洲歷史發展、該地區的地理和地質情况,以及對「岩礁」這一例外情形適用狹義或廣義後可能在實踐中引起的後果,在對這些因素一一進行了非常詳盡和坦率的檢視後,仲裁法院決定:一個島嶼,如果沒有在不依靠重要的外界補給的情况下憑藉自身資源支持人類群落居住的歷史,則不應享有專屬經濟區或大陸架地位所賦予的關於海洋和海底資源的巨大特殊權利。仲裁法院表示,若不如此認定的話,將違反第121條第3款的根本目的,即「阻止國家對潛在的巨大海洋空間提出主張……以至於損害其他沿海國家的利益和/或人類的共同遺產」。

Jerome A. Cohen, The Wisdom of The Hague’s South China Sea Decision, The Wall Street Journal, July 19, 2016.

The verdict is persuasive and an important addition to international law.

Although rejected not only by China but also Taiwan, the tribunal’s elaborately researched and scrupulously reasoned responses proved just as impressive. They were even more so given the difficulties imposed by China’s nonparticipation and the tribunal’s mistaken refusal to permit Taiwan’s participation, out of exaggerated deference to Beijing’s “one China” policy.
— Jerome A. Cohen

中国宣称对南海诸岛及其附近海域拥有“无可争辩的主权”。它拒绝接受仲裁庭即将做出的裁决,所根据的理由是此一裁决势必将处理领土主权问题(谁拥有这些争议岛屿)以及海洋划界问题(国家间海域产生冲突时应如何解决),而中国从来没有同意将这些问题交给任何第三方的公正仲裁。这个说法是严重的误导。仲裁庭已经表示,它的裁决不会决定这些问题,只会对其他重要的问题做出判断,这些重要的问题通通都涉及《联合国海洋法公约》的解释和适用,因此是落在仲裁庭的权限范围内。中国既然已经批准该《公约》,《公约》规定了强制的争端解决程序,并规范所有缔约国必须遵守争端解决的任何结果。很明确的,中国已经事先同意接受仲裁庭的决定。
— 孔杰荣

Jerome A. Cohen, Like it or not, UNCLOS arbitration is legally binding for China, East Asia Forum, July 11, 2016.

Although any outcome can be arbitrarily dismissed as ‘debatable’, if properly understood there should be no doubt that despite Beijing’s endlessly repeated denunciations of the tribunal’s legitimacy — and even the competence and fairness of the arbitrators — China will be legally bound by the tribunal’s decision.
— Jerome Cohen

註:中文版將於北京時間七月十二日早上六點鐘於金融時報中文網發表。


孔杰荣,南海仲裁后北京能否挽回颜面?,金融时报中文网,2016年6月17日。

纽约大学法学院教授孔杰荣:仲裁裁决颁布后,中菲可重启谈判,将仲裁结果纳入考量以解决争议,但不必正式提及裁决。


Jerome A. Cohen, Is there a way for Beijing to save face after the South China Sea arbitration ruling?, South China Morning Post, June 15, 2016.

Jerome A. Cohen says China should look to restart negotiations with the Philippines after the upcoming ruling on the UN Law of the Sea dispute, given its impact on regional peace and its own foreign policy


孔杰荣,杜勇心,“冲之鸟礁”是否拥有经济专属区?,金融时报中文网, 2016年5月24日。

北京和台北反对日本的主张无疑是正确的。“冲之鸟礁”在高潮时比两张单人床大不了多少。声称日本有权基于该岩礁控制大约15万平方法定英里区域内的经济资源的观点,一直以来都被认为是荒谬的,这一区域几乎与日本的国土面积相当。即便是菲律宾案的仲裁庭在南中国海情势中对《联合国海洋法公约》第121条第3款的用语作出宽松的解释,无论如何都不可能正当化日本声称“冲之鸟礁”拥有经济专属区的主张。
— 孔杰荣、杜勇心

Photo credit: East Asian Forum

Photo credit: East Asian Forum

While tensions continue to rise in the South China Sea and the disputing governments nervously await a decision in the Philippines’ arbitration case against China, an important sideshow has arisen between Japan and Taiwan in the central Philippine Sea.

Beijing and Taipei are surely correct in rejecting Japan’s claim. The idea that Okinotori is entitled to control the economic resources of a sea covering roughly 150,000 square statute miles, an area about the size of Japan itself, has always been preposterous. No matter how generously the Philippine arbitration tribunal might interpret the terms of UNCLOS Article 121.3 in the context of the South China Sea, it will not justify Japan’s claim.
— Jerome Cohena and Peter Dutton

孔杰荣,对“九段线”裁决后续影响的预测,金融时报中文网,2016年5月3日。

针对仲裁庭即将发布的最终仲裁结果,北京会如何应对?默默地无视仲裁结果的做法似乎并不可行。一些人猜测,一个基本上不利于中国的仲裁决定可能会引起中国以退出《海洋法公约》这一戏剧性的方式来表达不满,根据规定,在提前一年进行通知的前提下,这种做法是被允许的。但是,脱离公约并不能适时免除中国遵守仲裁决定的义务。比起不遵守仲裁决定,退出公约是对国际社会仲裁结果的极端反应,会对中国的声誉造成更久远的损害。中国也会失去未来影响《海洋法公约》发展的机会,而《公约》又恰恰事关对北京相当重要的诸多问题。

似乎更有可能的是,北京方面会继续通过官方和非官方的声明来贬低仲裁裁决,对其在管辖权和实体问题上的合法性提出质疑。而且,北京方面尽管自己选择不参与设立仲裁庭的程序,但是已经试图质疑仲裁庭的组成过程,甚至抨击仲裁人的独立性和公正性。中国外交部最近谴责该仲裁案是“披着法律外衣的政治挑衅。”当然,此类做法只会进一步伤害中国追求的所谓软实力。
— 孔杰荣

Jerome A. Cohen, Forecasting the Aftermath of a Ruling on China’s Nine-Dash Line, Foreign Policy, April 20, 2016.

A tribunal is likely to rule on China's hazy claims to South China Sea sovereignty. How Beijing and others react isn't set in stone.

China has been touting its peaceful rise for over a decade, and it has been trying to persuade the international community that it is a responsible great power adhering to the rule of law. In these circumstances, it would be statesmanlike and conducive to Asian peace if Beijing were to accept the arbitration’s outcome and adopt the decision as a platform for negotiations that seek a sensible compromise. In the meantime, the more that other interested states engage with international law of the sea, the better. This might stimulate both China and the United States to reconsider their current postures and act in their different ways to strengthen — not weaken — the UNCLOS system. Given the sensitivity of the seas around China, world peace may depend upon it.
— Jerome Cohen
The Arbitral Tribunal in Philippines v. China, photo released by the Permanent Court of Arbitration

The Arbitral Tribunal in Philippines v. China, photo released by the Permanent Court of Arbitration


孔杰荣,台湾能就和平解决岛屿争端做出表率吗?, 金融时报中文网, 2016年3月2日。

我个人一直希望马英九除此之外,还可以做得更多。我希望中华民国,至少在遥远的未来得以通过外交手段或者国际法判决正式解决太平岛的领土状态之前,可以将该岛变成一个和平解决东亚纠纷的中心。太平岛应当成为举办相关国际会议、开展联合研究项目和持续多边讨论和谈判的场所。

这个想法得到台湾政府内外国际法专家的不少支持。通过将这个想法付诸实施,台湾可以向北京和世界展示,真正希望推动人道目的的国家是如何利用争议岛屿的。
— 孔杰荣

Jerome A. Cohen, A Looming Crisis for China’s Legal System, Foreign Policy, February 22, 2016.

Talented judges and lawyers are leaving the profession, as ideology continues to trump the rule of law.

The immediate future looks dim for legal reform in China. A little-known fact highlights what might have been. Xi Jinping’s father, the famous political leader Xi Zhongxun, was placed in charge of the country’s legislative reform from 1981 to 1983 after returning from many years of ostracism and vilification during the Cultural Revolution. Bitter experience had led the elder Xi to recognize the importance of freedom of discussion, allowing people within the party and outside the party to speak freely, even if their ideas contradicted the policies and programs of the current leadership. He advocated enacting a law to protect differing opinions and to prevent people from suffering criminal punishment, or ouster from the party, or other sanctions for expressing disagreement with the leadership. The elder Xi openly recognized that, in order to maximize progress, China had to allow differences of opinion. Today, sadly, his son rejects that good example and demands “absolute loyalty” from would-be law reformers — and everyone else.
— Jerome Cohen

Jerome A. Cohen, Can Taiwan show Beijing and the world how disputed islands should be used for peace?, South China Morning Post, February 19, 2016.

Jerome Cohen says Taipei should turn the South China Sea island of Taiping into a centre for the peaceful resolution of East Asian disputes

Taiwan should turn the island into a centre for the peaceful resolution of East Asian disputes. It should become a site for relevant international conferences, joint research projects and continuing multilateral discussions and negotiations.
— Jerome A. Cohen
President Ma Ying-jeou and Taiwan officials on the Southc China Sea island of Itu Aba (Taiping)  

President Ma Ying-jeou and Taiwan officials on the Southc China Sea island of Itu Aba (Taiping)  


Jerome A. Cohen, A Legal Defense Against Chinese Oppression, Wall Street Journal, February 16, 2016.

Can the American Bar Association protest China’s crackdowns without risking the safety of its staff ?

Many Chinese lawyers have taken refuge in America and are unable to return home without facing prosecution. They need financial support, opportunities for relevant research, meaningful work and advanced education. The ABA can also sponsor internships, conferences and study tours so that, when these marooned rights advocates can safely return, they will be better equipped to advance legal reform.
— Jerome A. Cohen

孔杰荣,公共律师在转型社会中的角色, 金融时报中文网, 2016年2月1日。

不幸的是,中国的律师仍然面临着这种进退两难的困境。参与社会转型,走向民主是一回事;而当这个转型滑向变本加厉的独断时,则是另一回事。我希望习近平可以参考他明智的父亲习仲勋的建议。当年,在饱受毛泽东主义多年迫害之后,习仲勋重新回到共产党的领导层。他在1980年代早期曾号召通过一部法律以保护每一个人——无论是党内精英还是普通公民——公开与领导层持不同意见的权利。

假使习近平可以实现他父亲的政策,那么中国走向民主的转型前景将会更加明亮,中国律师的未来也会更加明亮。但是,从目前的情况看,我希望即使是在手脚依然被束缚的情况下,公共律师们也能够继续斗争。如果他们加入了职业化法律牙医的队伍,将无疑是一场悲剧!
— 孔杰荣

Jerome A. Cohen, The Dilemma Facing Rights Lawyers in China, Wall Street Journal, January 18, 2016.

To fight for rights using existing laws? Or try to end Communist control over the legal system?

Geng He, wife of imprisoned Chinese dissident Gao Zhisheng, speaks at a press conference Tuesday. (Nina Lincoff/Medill News Service)

Geng He, wife of imprisoned Chinese dissident Gao Zhisheng, speaks at a press conference Tuesday. (Nina Lincoff/Medill News Service)

How should China’s human rights lawyers confront increasing repression under President Xi Jinping? I discussed this question several years ago with a group of Chinese activist lawyers, some of whom the Communist Party later imprisoned. Should lawyers fight for rights within the limits of existing laws and procedures, which still severely restrict their ability to wage an effective defense? Or should they advocate political change that would end the Communist Party’s monopoly of power over the legal system?
— Jerome A. Cohen

孔杰荣,台湾选举的六重意义, 金融时报中文网, 2016年1月16日。

就中华人民共和国的观点而言,蔡英文的胜利,将考验习近平作为大陆领导人的成熟度。习近平政府已经被很多问题困扰。除了台海局势之外,北京面临的内忧外患纷繁复杂,军队、外交领域的既成势力、经济精英集团、异议分子群体等因素都造成了内部紧张。在这种情况下,对于本次选举即将开启的充满挑战性的两岸关系新时代,习近平政府将不得不采取谨慎和渐进性的应对态度。
— 孔杰荣

Jerome A. Cohen, Why the elections in Taiwan matter so much – for Beijing, the region and the US, South China Morning Post, January 15, 2016.

Photo: J. Michael Cole / Thinking Taiwan

Photo: J. Michael Cole / Thinking Taiwan

Jerome A. Cohen says a win for Tsai Ing-wen in Taiwan’s presidential election will be a major test for the mainland leadership and may slow the progress of cross-strait trade agreements

If Tsai wins the election, I hope that human rights will enjoy greater prominence in cross-strait relations
— Jerome A. Cohen

傅青山、何宜伦、孔杰荣 ,中国不应视公民社会组织为威胁, 金融时报中文网, 2016年1月11日。

事實上,非政府勞工組織在解決這類糾紛上發揮著積極作用。中國的資方在處理罷工問題時,常常忽視工人的要求,而去向官方求助幫忙。官方則越來越多地派遣警察去將工人暴打一頓,或者抓走罷工領導。相比之下,在利得案中,非政府勞工組織給罷工的工人建議,如何明確闡述他們的要求,選舉工人代表,組織同資方集體談判,進而解決了一些根本問題,有時甚至協助雙方在如何促進將來勞資關繫上達成一致。
— 傅青山、何宜伦、孔杰荣

Eli Friedman, Aaron Halegua and Jerome A. Cohen, Cruel irony: China’s Communists are stamping out labor activism, Washington Post, January 3, 2016.

In fact, labor NGOs play a productive role in resolving such disputes. Chinese employers often “handle” strikes by ignoring workers’ demands and contacting the authorities, who increasingly send in police to rough up workers and detain strike leaders. By contrast, as in the Lide case, labor NGOs advise strikers on how to formulate their demands, elect representatives and engage in collective negotiations with employers to resolve the underlying violations, and sometimes even assist in reaching agreements governing future relations.
— Eli Friedman, Aaron Halegua and Jerome A. Cohen

孔杰荣,浦志强案:党治,而非法治, 金融时报中文网, 2015年12月31日。

浦的刑罚是不是真的能被视为“轻微”?毕竟,尽管身患严重疾病,他还是被拒绝给予中国法下相当于保释的权利,况且他还忍受了长达19个月的审前羁押。中国的羁押条件往往迫使嫌疑人决定认罪,为的就是能够尽快在终审判决之后转移到规制较好的监狱。
定罪带来更严重的后果则是,浦志强将失去从事法律职业的资格。这不仅会严重压缩他的收入,而且还会消减他在法庭中能够为人权做出的贡献。此外,如浦律师最有名的客户、异见艺术家艾未未所指出,在政治上,浦律师还会失去“他向来为那些无力发声的人仗义执言的平台”。
— 孔杰荣

Jerome A. Cohen, China’s courts continue to silence critics of party policies, South China Morning Post, December 29, 2015.

Photo source: Flickr, Global Panorama

Photo source: Flickr, Global Panorama

Jerome A. Cohen says by giving human rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang a seemingly mild suspended sentence, China shows it’s mindful of its own image, but it isn’t softening its stance against dissent

Can Pu’s sentence really be considered “mild”? After all, he had been denied China’s equivalent of bail, despite serious health problems, and had already endured pre-trial punishment for 19 months. Chinese detention conditions often lead suspects to plead guilty simply to hasten their transfer to the usually better-regulated conditions of prison that follow final sentencing. Moreover, as a consequence of conviction, Pu will lose his licence to practise law. This severely constricts his income. It also eliminates both his courtroom contributions to human rights and, as his most famous client, the dissident artist Ai Weiwei (艾未未), has pointed out, the political “platform from which he has given voice to the voiceless”.
— Jerome A. Cohen

Jerome A. Cohen, China in 2016, A ChinaFile Conversation, Andrew J. Nathan, Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian, Taisu Zhang, Jerome A. Cohen, December 23, 2015.

The South China Sea situation is likely to become even more dangerous than it has been to date. Thus far, the United States has exercised military gestures to challenge China’s sweeping but vague international law rhetoric and its swift transformation of reefs into strategically valuable artificial islands. Those gestures have proved as ineffectual as they have been imprecise in their legal implications. Too little attention is being given to the possibilities of invoking the assistance of international institutions for peacefully arbitrating and adjudicating the array of complex, conflicting claims involved.
— Jerome A. Cohen
US President Barack Obama during a bilateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping. U.S. Embassy The Hague

US President Barack Obama during a bilateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping. U.S. Embassy The Hague


孔杰荣,两岸高峰会谈的长远影响,纽约时报中文网,2015年11月17日。

我希望这次峰会能够使美国人民,除了充分意识到中国崛起,对于台湾在过去一代完成的巨大进步也有所了解,特别是,美国人至少应当意识到,一个华人的政治法律文化制度有能力发展出一个可行的民主体系,有效地保护国际法保障的政治和公民权利。聪明的政治策略和友善的姿态显然使马英九在习近平和新加坡东道主(即便是新加坡自身也还未达到台湾的自由程度)面前,不刻意夸耀台湾在这方面的成就。但台湾这一代的安全取决于美国人民和他们的政治家、官员对这个岛屿未来发展的支持,而台湾自身的民主成就,是游说美国持续支持最有说服力的理由。
— 孔杰荣

Jerome A. Cohen, The Cross-Strait Meeting’s Lasting Impact, Foreign Policy, November 9, 2015.

The summit will affect how future Taiwanese leaders approach mainland China, and re-focus American attention on the relationship.

The summit has also had an impact on United States relations with both sides of the strait. It has revived, if only temporarily, Americans’ awareness of Taiwan and of the importance of cross-strait developments. The U.S. government will undoubtedly want to push back at Xi’s attempt to exclude Washington from the Taiwan puzzleThe U.S. government will undoubtedly want to push back at Xi’s attempt to exclude Washington from the Taiwan puzzle, as part of Beijing’s effort to reduce American influence in Asia generally. We can also expect further U.S. efforts to prevent deterioration in cross-strait relations if the DPP comes to power as anticipated.

I hope that the summit will also lead Americans, fully conscious of China’s growing prominence, to learn more about Taiwan’s immense progress in the past generation, especially in showing that at least one ethnically Chinese political-legal culture can develop a manageable democratic system that effectively protects internationally-guaranteed political and civil rights. Smart politics and good manners apparently kept Ma from flaunting this accomplishment in front of Xi and their Singapore hosts, who themselves have not reached Taiwan’s degree of freedom. Yet Taiwan’s security during the coming generation rests upon the extent to which the American people and their politicians and officials will support the island’s future progress. Taiwan’s democratic achievements constitute the most persuasive argument for continuing that support.
— Jerome A. Cohen
Photo source: The Office of the President of Taiwan

Photo source: The Office of the President of Taiwan


孔杰荣,两岸高峰会,中参馆讨论,2015年11月5日。

我认为马英九总统主要是想树立一个强调过程、具有象征意义的先例。他并不意在取得任何实质性的结果,而且他现在也不在这样一个可以进行实质性谈判的政治位置上。我相信马英九希望开拓一系列持续性的领导层会晤,借此加强海峡两岸的沟通,激发两方的政府部门将注意力集中在合作上,并希望这些合作比他第二任期间的合作更具创造性。这次与习近平的会晤是马英九继第一任期后在加强两岸交流合作方面成就的顶峰。马政府第一任内通过创新的方式,使台湾在与其对手中国大陆谈判中不失平等和尊严,这是令人钦佩的巨大成就,但台湾人民和国际社会给予马英九的赞许太少。这次会晤是否能成为一次真正的先例,而不是昙花一现,甚至是个错误,将取决于马的继位者——不管是“他”还是“她” ——能否在这次会晤的基础上有所建树。
— 孔杰荣

The China-Taiwan Summit, A ChinaFile Conversation, Richard Bernstein, Andrew J. Nathan, Jerome A. Cohen, Ho-fung Hung, November 5, 2015.

I agree with Andrew Nathan’s analysis of the M-X meeting. Moreover, I want to endorse the desirability of the meeting despite the understandable anxieties it has provoked in Taiwan. I do not think the meeting’s outcome, which is likely to be modest—yet important—will vindicate the many concerns that have been voiced on the island.
— Jerome Cohen

孔傑榮、張語軒,拖延陳文敏任命 如 嘲諷中國「支持法治」宣言,明報,2015年9月28日。

中國政府在國內和海外一直宣稱要推進依法治國,但港大事件卻讓這個承諾蒙上陰影。《中英聯合聲明》和《基本法》確保香港院校自主和學術自由。根據基本法第137條:「各類院校均可保留其自主性並享有學術自由。」關於任命陳教授這位傑出法律改革倡導者的爭議,曠日持久,這無疑是對中國就法律改革的承諾以及香港在促進中國法治進程中所扮演的歷史性角色的莫大諷刺。
— 孔傑榮、張語軒

Jerome Cohen & Alvin Cheung, Delay in HKU appointment of Johannes Chan makes a mockery of Beijing's pledged support for rule of law, South China Morning Post, September 25, 2015.

Professor Johannes Chan Man-mun, Photo: Edward Wong

Professor Johannes Chan Man-mun, Photo: Edward Wong

Jerome A. Cohen and Alvin Cheung say the protracted delay in the appointment of an outspoken HKU law professor reflects worrying interference in academic freedom

It is dismaying to learn of the pressures now faced by Hong Kong academics who are perceived to be critical of certain Chinese central government policies. Recent developments at the University of Hong Kong have been particularly disturbing.
— Jerome A. Cohen and Alvin Cheung

习显然认为,要想成功净化中国的自然环境和道德环境、转型中国的经济、平息广泛的动荡并实现他自矜的“中国梦”,一丝一毫的公共批评、多元意见和自主权都不应被允许。这就是中国对互联网和社交媒体的压制与操纵愈演愈烈的原因,也是习持续镇压非政府组织及其工作人员、迫害人权活动家和抓捕上百位愿意为他们辩护的律师的原因,这同样是当局亵渎越来越受大众欢迎的基督教教堂,以及残酷镇压西藏和新疆少数民族的原因。
— 孔杰荣

Jerome Cohen, The insecurity underpinning Xi Jinping’s repression, Washington Post, September 23, 2015.

After dealing with this week’s challenging U.S. agenda, which is set to cover cyberespionage and intellectual property theft, the South China Sea, Taiwan and international law, currency valuation and bilateral investment negotiations, human rights and repatriation of Chinese both wanted and unwanted by Beijing, Xi will return to yet another domestic celebration — the Oct. 1 holiday marking the 66th anniversary of the People’s Republic. Yet, when all the hoopla has ended, he will have to ask himself, as the insecure dictators of Taiwan and South Korea asked themselves 30 years ago: How long can any modernizing authoritarian regime rely on repression to cope with the mounting problems magnified by the very economic and social progress it has promoted?
— Jerome A. Cohen

孔杰荣,向中国遣返逃犯的法律与道德困境,纽约时报中文网, 2015年9月22日。

Alex Wong—Getty Images

Alex Wong—Getty Images

我是中美合作的虔诚信徒。和很多美国人一样,我支持习近平举世瞩目的反腐败运动。我乐于见到美国摆脱从中国或其他国家潜逃来美的真正腐败的逃犯。然而, 对于中美引渡条约谈判而言,我无法想象会有一个比目前更糟糕的时间点,除非中国再次陷入一次“文化大革命”或者像“六四”事件那样的对年轻人的屠杀。
— 孔傑榮/柯恩(Jerome A. Cohen)

Jerome Cohen, Should the U.S. Extradite Chinese Wanted by Beijing?, A ChinaFile Conversation, August 5, 2015.

I am a great believer in Sino-American cooperation. Like many Americans I support Xi Jinping’s remarkable campaign against corruption. I would be happy to rid the United States of genuinely corrupt fugitives from any country, including China. Yet, unless China experiences another Cultural Revolution or a slaughter of its youth similar to that of June 4, 1989, I cannot imagine a worse time for the two countries to negotiate an extradition treaty.
— Jerome A. Cohen

高德、孔杰荣,被中美彼此误读的“网络安全”, 金融时报中文网, 2015年8月5日。

纽约大学法律与安全中心执行主任高德 (Zachary K. Goldman)、纽约大学法学院教授孔杰荣(Jerome A. Cohen)

过去几年,美中两国曾就双方共同关注的网络安全问题展开最高级别的政府间对话。这些对话致力于通过发展规范来改善双边关系。然而迄今为止,进展甚微。中国新颁布的《国家安全法》和《网络安全法(草案)》揭示了造成目前僵局的原因之一。
— 高德 (Zachary K. Goldman)、孔傑榮/柯恩(Jerome A. Cohen)

Zachary Goldman & Jerome A. Cohen, Differing outlooks impede Sino-US cooperation to enhance cybersecurity, South China Morning Post, August 3, 2015.

Over the past several years, the United States and China have had conversations – at the highest levels of government – about cybersecurity concerns. These dialogues have focused on possibilities for developing norms to improve relations. Thus far, discussions have yielded little progress. China’s new National Security Law and its draft Cybersecurity Law make clear one reason for the stalemate.
— Zachary Goldman and Jerome A. Cohen

Zachary Goldman and Jerome A. Cohen consider the challenge of Sino-US cooperation on cybersecurity